Racial Conceptualization

This final post explains why racial conceptualization is important, where our notions of race come from, and how many contemporary conceptualizations of race negatively impact racial attitudes. Morning uses the term racial "conceptualization" to define race, rather than simply definitions because of a concept discussed in previous blog posts: that individuals do not hold one steady definition for race but rather incorporate many ideas with different functions in different contexts. This conceptualizations impact our judgement and decision making, even up to our preferences for policies.

Morning cites that the "intellectual consensus" is race as a social construct; still, this view is held only largely in some social sciences (anthropology and sociology, particularly) and not much elsewhere. In fact, in Morning's book, "The Nature of Race," she suggests that hard-sciences perpetuate a static biological conceptualization of race, one which becomes disseminated all the way down to high school biology textbooks. Doctors often believe race is an important aspect in diagnosing diseases (Satel 2002). Historically, biological conceptualizations of race have led to policies such as slavery or eugenics. While it is less negatively charged today, the biological explanations for race still give race a concrete structure, one that implies serious differences between races. She believes that both biologists perpetuate this viewpoint but still, it is influenced in a circle-like context between political and social conditions. In the introduction of her book, Morning writes,

"Despite the special authority that scientists enjoy, their beliefs are by no means independent of the broaer society in which they train and practice. If lay people are influenced by what 'experts' say about race, the reverse is true too: scientific notions of race are informed by the broader political and social current of their times. This was the case in the nineteenth century when scientists sought to corroborate popular wisdom concerning the intelligence of whites or the physical frailty of mulattoes, and it still holds true today. This book, then, can be understood as focusing on one section of what is in fact a loop: the flow of scientific thinking to the public, which in turn unquestionably shapes scientists' views in the first place. (Morning 2011, p. 4)

This study of biology textbooks is one of the main focuses of Morning's research: how notions of race get disseminated down to individuals. In "The Nature of Race," Morning does a content-analysis of secondary education textbooks, finding that biology and even psychology, the most widely studied social science, convey a static depiction of race, largely based on genetic or physical characteristics. Also, by interviewing academics in biology, psychology, anthropology and other disciplines, she found interesting ways in which race was conveyed to students: in anthropology, race is displayed as a social construct, and this reflects the attitudes of anthropology students, whom believe more than any other major that race is a social construct; in biology, professors perpetuate an essentialist view, even though it is indirect--while professors say they do not acknowledge race, through activities and lectures, they indirectly support genetic and biological differences according to race; psychology often directly attributes race as physical differences, implying an inherently biological structure.

Morning's research, however, shows that the most common conceptualization of race (especially in undergraduate students) is a still static but "cultural grouping" explanation. This keeps the concreteness of the biological explanation but states that people's differences are in cultural practices. Therefore, to the culturalist, race implies irreconcilable differences between the ways types of people live. This is equally as dangerous as any other.

Morning believes that the way we define race is largely telling of how prejudice places out at the micro and macro level. She discusses the interaction between individual conceptualizations of race and the way institution's define race. She strongly discusses racial classification in much of her research, often studying Census data, and the ways in which the government operationalizes race. She also discusses the role racial classification plays in policies. Morning and Sabbagh (2005) together analyze the adoption of antidiscrimantory policy that is founded using the same mechanisms for categorizing disadvantaged groups that were once used solely for purposes of oppression. They suggest the United States in particular engages in this practice, and historically traces the development of racial classification, from initial measurements of slave vs. non-slave, to more recent racist measures such as the "one-drop" rule, where a person is considered black if they have any amount of blackness to them. More contemporary classifications are based on these, providing a dangerous foundation for antidiscriminatory policies.

Still, Morning does not deny the benefits of using racial classification to collecting data. She cites work such as Devah Pager's (2003) study that found whites with criminal records are more likely to be considered for jobs than blacks without criminal records, as important research found on these principles. Still, Morning focuses on how the collection of data on race "arose from--and may help perpetuate--longstanding American beliefs in the reality and significance of race (Morning 2005; 70).

Interestingly, Morning looks at structure to explain racial prejudice but expands the notion passed simply materialism. She looks at the structure of ideas--a theory rooted in sociology of knowledge and microsociology. While economics may be hard to overcome, solutions on issues of definition and classification may be our greatest asset in the fight to overcome racism.

I include this picture, the melting of the candle, to represent the melting of discriminatory classification practices that trap in the light of equality.

References
Morning, Ann. 2009. “Toward a Sociology of Racial Conceptualization for the 21st Century” Social Forces 87, March 2009
Morning, Ann. 2011. “The Nature of Race: How Scientists Think and Teach about Human Difference.” University of California Press
Morning, Ann & Daniel Sabbagh. 2005. “From sword to plowshare: using race for discrimination and antidiscrimination in the United States” ISSJ 183

symbolic violence leads to SOC. is a combat sport

Living in this society, or any other, people can find themselves falling into different fields within symbolic space. In these fields we take on positions in relation to others and act accordingly. Our positions and the social structures around us become internalized and effect our actions. This is part of habitus, the internalized world from our position in it and our own freewill in decision making. Because we live in a society full of dichotomies, divisions, and other boundaries we find that between positions and fields there is forms of capital. A value system developed by society and enforced by the social structures that we have internalized. These forms of capital work to influence our decision making and they reproduce themselves by their influence on our actions. This sort of power struggle between people in different positions and fields over capital isn’t the end of it though. It continues in most of our everyday actions. A lot of the things we do, say, and think in an everyday situation are often socialized responses from the internalized structures. We may see, act, or think something in one way out of instinct and socialization because that is how we have learned to over time in society. This leads to misrecognizing it and believing something to be a normal everyday act when in fact it is “symbolic violence” Calhoun et al. 2012:331).

Symbolic violence is the way that power is organized and divided up amongst people in a given society. Depending on the field, some will have it and others wont. It is a way of maintaining and reproducing the actors internalized social structures. We may see symbolic violence every day and not recognize it, this is for a few reasons. The first being that it is not like conventional violence. This isn’t one person beating another or one class physically enslaving another, these are acts that we will view as normal and innocent. This is the misrecognition of symbolic violence. Since these things we do that are part of our internalization of social structures we have misrecognized them as innocent and normal when in reality they work to keep one in a dominant position and the other dominated. Symbolic violence can be defined as “the way in which people may be harmed by the ways they are labeled or categorized socially” (Calhoun et al. 2012:331). 

The video is from on of my favorite shows “The Big Bang Theory” and in this example we can see have the simple act of gift giving can create power relations. Normally we believe that gift giving is out of love and generosity which it can be, but it is also true that we do at some level expect reciprocity. This first act of giving a gift creates a power dominance by the one that gave the gift over the other to return the act. Then there is the gift itself. Gifts have different values and by one person giving a gift with more value and getting in return a gift of lesser value a power dominance is created. For example a husband might by his wife jewelry which is expected and symbolizes his wealth or dominance. A wife might get her husband something with more sentimental value that shows she cares but at the same time puts her in a dominated position in the relationship. This of course is just an example that is not always true but works to explain symbolic violence in thought to be non violence acts. Also this is all depending on how a society structures their value system and where forms of capital that are valued exist. 

Because we live in a world with misrecognition, preconceptions, and social institutions that we have internalized and influence our actions, we must accept this and learn to understand sociology as a combat sport. At first this may not seem to make sense. If a combat sport is people fighting against each other then how is that like sociology? Well if you truly understand what a combat sport really is then it might make a littler more sense. 

This picture is of me in my grappling gear next to my belts. As a martial artist I don’t look at combat sports simply like fighting someone else. I see it as starting with nothing, a blank slate. Working my way up in a certain style, developing based on what I learned through my experiences on the mat. Just like our socialization into society. Then when I train with someone from a different style I have to understand that their way of fighting is different from mine, but by fighting with someone different we are able to grow and better understand combat sports as a whole. I can see things in a different way and learn things that I never thought of before. There are many different theories of society in sociology and they all are correct to some extent. It is because of this that we should work together to understand society. Everyone grows up in a field with a position, internalized institutions and misrecognition, even sociologist. Because of our biases our out look on society can be a little biased, but by looking others theories we can better understand society as a whole. 

References 

Calhoun, Craig, Joseph Gerteis, James Moody, Steven Pfaff, and Indermohan Virk. 2012. 

Contemporary Sociological Theory. Third Ed. Malden, MA: John Wiley & Sons Ltd. 

The Problem of the Color Line

For my final two blogs, I have a few goals

• Discuss the implications of research on racial conceptualization (ie: why does conceptualization of race matter?)
• Discuss Morning's findings in-depth
• Discuss the implications of these findings

This first post will discuss the current race problem in our country, shying away from Morning's research only to set the framework for the importance of her research on conceptualization and classification

W.E.B Du Bois, in his seminal work, "The Souls of Black Folks," stated "for the problem of the Twentieth Century is the problem of the color-line." In 1997, Halford Fairchild updated Du Bois' statement, saying "The problem of the twenty-first century remains the problem of race—racism, race relations, and racial exploitation—in virtually every corner of the globe."

Yet, proponents of the achievement ideology, clinging to the idea of the "American Dream," that hardwork can override any other factor in dictating success, suggest a perception of America and race relations largely different than that of Du Bois and Fairchild. Ignoring trends in income disparity, social mobility and even explicit racism, many citizens have internalized this dogma that America is fair. Images of success like Jay-Z and Tiger Woods outweigh the large aggregate of blacks effected by an economic glass cieling. Valentino & Brader (2011) studied perceptions of racial equality following the election of Obama, making considerable findings that Obama's election made many Americans believe we live in a post-racial society.

This economic amnesia, that socioeconomic conditions do not dictate your spot on a market and that the playing field is equal, has led to a cycle of misfortune allowing racism to persist for years. Discrepencies in educational opportunties between low-income and high-income areas are tremendous, with failing school systems digging deeper holes for those facing poverty.

Elijah Anderson (2000) proposed his "code of the street" hypothesis, that the behavior of many urban youths is influenced by a street culture or code. This prescribes violent reactions to impersonal attacks and any show of disrespect, as reputation as tough is held with high esteem. He traces the root of these problems to lack of opportunity, persistent racism and lack of jobs. This is also reflective of a finding by Walter B. Miller, as documented in his "Lower Class Culture as a Generating Milieu of Gang Delinquency." Here, Miller states

"To the lower class, in essence, smartness involves the capactiy to achieve a valued entity through a maximum use of mental agility. Lower class culture can be characterized as 'non intellectual' only if intellectualism is defined specifically in terms of control over a particular body of formally learned knowledge involving 'culture', a generalized perspective on the past and present conditions of our own and future societies, and other areas of knowledge imparted by formal educational institutions. This particular type of mental attainment is, in general, overtly disvalued and frequently associated with effeminacy; 'smartness' in the lower class sense, however, is highly valued."

A viewpoint of those who favor the achievement ideology suggests that this culture is what perpetuates poverty, that because values are skewed in this way, the poor remain poor--they actively choose not to conform to typical American values. However, the notion that socioeconomic conditions perpetuate this culture is probably much more realistic. First, more abstractly, studying research on social roles shows that people act according to the environment placed around. Secondly, sociological research explains how the structure of low-income areas prevents social mobility

In Rodney Stark's (1987) "Deviant Places: A Theory of the Ecology of Crime," he explores how the structure of neighborhoods perpetuate crime and maintain the existence of social problems. This is a major work of "social disorganization theory," a product of the Chicago School. The theory began with Park & Burgess (1925) and their Concentric Zone Theory. They predicted that once fully developed, cities would take the form of five concentric rings; the areas in the city of the rings would exemplify social and economic deterioration while the outside circles would become the prosperous suburban areas. Shaw & McKay (1942) elaborated on this theory, stating that when groups became wealthy enough to move away from the inner urban circle areas, they would. This illustrated that some areas remained disorganized because they were the only places arriving poor could afford to live. Karen Brodkin (1998) documents how after facing years of discrimination, members of the Jewish community have managed to escape their stigmas and, in her words, “become white folks.” Her analysis has been used by many sociologists to show the idea that race is a social construction. In her piece, she documents a New York Times article from 1916 written about the Jewish Lower East Side.

“The neighborhood where these people live is absolutely impassable for wheeled vehicles other than their push carts.If a truck driver tries to get through where their pushcarts are standing they apply to him all kinds of vile and indecent epithets.The driver is fortunate if he gets out of the street without being hit with a stone or having a putrid fish thrown at him. This neighborhood, peopled almost entirely by the people who claim to have been driven from Poland and Russia, is the eyesore of New York and perhaps the filthiest place on the western continent. It is impossible for a Christian to live there because he will be driven out, either by blows or the dirt and stench. Cleanliness is an unknown quantity to these people. They cannot be lifted up to a higher plane because they do not want to be. If the cholera should ever get among these people, they would scatter its germs as a sower does grain.”

The Lower East Side was, for many years, an area for low income immigrant settlement. Before Jewish settlement, this included Germans, Irish, Italians, Poles and Ukrainians. It faced many of these same problems despite the demographic population. Today, gentrification has rid it of these ailments, although it is still predominantly Puerto Rican and Dominican. Still, Brodkin uses this article to show that it wasn’t Jewish culture, nor any biological drives, that caused Jews to be viewed this way; after many years, and the acquisition of wealth, this stigma was uplifted. Rodney Stark (1987) influenced by the Chicago School and a similar belief that it was not necessarily culture that caused deviance produced his “Deviant Places: A Theory of the Ecology of Crime.” His approach emphasized a “kind of places” approach as opposed to a “kind of people.” His main postulate was that crime and deviance persist in certain neighborhoods despite repeated turnovers in their demographic population. Scrutinizing a few examples, he makes several propositions regarding these types of neighborhoods.

Stark states that low income neighborhoods are structured to fail. One of his early postulates is that in dense neighborhoods, it’s harder to keep secrets. Ervin Goffman’s dramaturgical approach to social psychology cites that a large majority of our identity building is done in private, an area he calls “back stage.” It is here we prepare ourselves to put forth the image we desire. In densely populated areas, it is difficult to do this. Another proposition Stark makes is that greater density areas have more association between those most and least predisposed to deviance. In the suburbs, parents have more control over where their children are, as they often have to drive them to almost any social interaction; in the city, this is not the case. Stark states that in crowded homes, there will be a greater tendency to congregate outside in places that raise levels of temptation and opportunity for deviance; in these crowded homes, Stark notes, there are also lower levels of parental supervision on children.

I took this picture to illustrate the lack of social mobility in low income areas. By taking the picture through the fence, the building seems enclosed, trapped, as if it is in a cell.

The reason I divert from Morning's research to discuss the problem of the color line is not to de-emphasis the purpose of classification and conceptualization but to highlight the stakes. Nondiscriminatory attitudes and policies are necessary, and incredibly sensitive. If we want to eradicate the persistent racism discussed, if we want to uproot the problems, we need attitudes to change--Morning's work helps us better understand how racial attitudes work. This can help us alleviate these problems--it is only with support and awareness that these challenges can be faced. The structural constraints of agency that lower-income families are faced with are real--so is apparent explicit and implicit racism. It is through changing the structure--as Morning suggests through changes in the way we teach race, the way we measure race, and the way we discuss race--that we can confront the problem head-on.

References

Anderson, Elijah. 2000. “Code of the Street: Decency, Violence and the Moral Life of the Inner City” W. W. Norton & Company (September 2000)
Miller, Walter. 1958. “Lower class culture as a generating milieu of gang delinquency” Bobbs-Merrill, Colle, Indianapolis, IN
Morning, Ann. 2009. “Toward a Sociology of Racial Conceptualization for the 21st Century” Social Forces 87, March 2009
Park, Robert & Burroughs, Ernest. 1925. “The City: Suggestions of Investigation of Human Behavior in the Urban Environment.” University of Chicago Press.
Valentino, Nicholas & Ted, Brader. 2011. “The Sword’s Other Edge: Perceptions of Discrimination and Racial Policy Opinion after Obama” Public Opinion Quarterly 75, May 2011

Herbert Blumer: Movies and Conduct

Blumer conducted a study that investigated the reactions of people when watching movies, using observational methodology and a “biographical method”. Data was collected from nearly two hundred thousand students, using questionnaires, “motion picture autobiographies” and interviews of students (National Humanities Center: America in Class 2012). During this data collection, the students provided information on their impressions of the movies’ influence through writing these “motion picture autobiographies”, which detailed the impact that the movies had on their attitudes and actions. It was found that many of the students learnt things, from how to kiss, to attitudes about life and how to pickpocket, from the movies that they watched (Peters and Simonson 2004).

Overall, Blumer found that movies influence the stereotypes that we associate with different characters, as well as how we conduct ourselves within society. People are provided with ideas on how they should act, notions of their rights and privileges, as well as the difference conceptions that are held within society. These ideas influence people's behavior by encouraging them to act/think certain ways in certain situations.

I found the results of this study to be quite interesting, as straightforward and as obvious as they are. For as long as I can remember, I've watched movies that have influenced my outlook on life, my attitudes towards certain things and my behavior in certain situations. Movies like Grease and Coyote Ugly have, without me being consciously aware of it, been some of these influences. Another movie, which I see as being something that would strongly influence people's attitudes, is Thirteen (2003), starring Evan Rachel Wood, Holy Hunter and Ashley Greene. The movie tells the story of two thirteen-year-old girls and the difficulties that they face with being a teenager in today's society. The main character gets involved with the wrong people and ends up behaving extremely out of character, as a result of peer pressure and the want to fit in.

Although this movie aims to portray the difficulties of being a teenager, starting high school and wanting to fit in, with Blumer's study in mind, it would also be fair to assume that it may lead people to believe that the behavior that is depicted is normal and that all teenagers act like this. Obviously, this is not the case as not all teenagers behave like this when becoming a teenager. However, I do believe that it would sway people's opinions and attitudes on teenagers and the activities that they are involved in.

I also think that the movie may encourage teenagers/people to adjust their behavior or do whatever they can in order to fit into where they want, whether it is at school, work or within society in general. Blumer’s study was based on data gathered from adolescents, providing even more justification for me to believe that this movie would have an influence on teenager’s attitudes and behavior.

An example of this influence would be: during the movie, the girls take to getting piercings that their guardians do not approve of. At one point, one of the girls pierces the other girl's belly button. As you can see from the photo, both girls have their tongues pierced. The other half of the photo shows someone piercing their own tongue, due to the behavioral influence that the movie has had on them.

Obviously, some generalization has gone into assuming that the movie influenced people’s attitudes and behavior, however it has only been used as an example of something that I have found to link to the results that Blumer presented in his study.

References:

National Humanities Center: America in Class. 2012. “Herbert Blumer: Movies and Conduct, 1933, excerpts.” Becoming Modern: American in the 1920s. Retrieved December 2, 2012 (http://americainclass.org/sources/becomingmodern/machine/text6/moviesconduct.pdf)

Peters, John D. and Peter Simonson. 2004. Mass Communication and American Social Thought: Key Texts, 1919-1968. Maryland: Rowman &Littlefield Publishers, Inc.

Collins: Status Groups & Subcultures

In my last entry, I began to discuss the effects gender and race had on an individual’s success in both education and the work place. According the Collins, everyone is part of what is called a status group. Status groups (or “subcultures”) give people a sense of identity with people with similar backgrounds, cultures, religions and so forth. The main core of said groups begins with family and friends but definitely goes beyond that. Status groups can extend to education, religion and ethnic communities. These groups tend to come together through common interests or similarities such as fashion, morals, language and even different sports, movies, art or media. Once someone finds their status group, they feel a sense of belonging and comfort with people they can relate to and be with. “Participation in such cultural groups gives individuals their fundamental sense of identity, especially in contrast with members of other associational groups in whose everyday culture they cannot participate comfortably” Collins states in Educational Stratification.

An example I found in society that would symbolize different Status Groups would be sports fans and their teams. Whether it be football, baseball or even hockey, fans gravitate towards one another. There are different jerseys, mascots and players that specific fans can relate to. If you’re a Yankee fan and your friend likes the Mets…chances are you aren’t going to be cheering for the same team. I see people teasing one another especially when your favorite team loses. People classify and relate to not only games but their teams as well.

Status groups tend to differentiate themselves from other groups by having different categories of what Collins calls moral evaluation. These moral evaluations can range from topics such as morals and honor to saying the right “lingo” or wearing the right clothes. If you don’t follow these “guidelines” in a group, you would not be considered normal for that status group.

Now you may ask where theses Status Groups even come from. Collins states that there are many sources but he gives us three…

1. Differences in life style resulting from economic situations

2. Differences in life style based on power positions

3. Differences in life style resulting from your cultural situation such as religion or ethnicity

A more serious example than mentioned above would be immigrants in the United States. Especially in the last 10 years, there has been a stereotype against (for example) Muslims. After the September 11^th attacks in 2011, many people in society judged this religion as a violent and terrorizing people when that is not the case at all. This would be an example of the third moral evaluation that life style is affected by your cultural situation. Muslims in schools and societies came together when whites, blacks and other religions looked and judged them with fear.

According to the article "Racism Against Muslims has Rocketed since 09/11" (http://www.socialistworker.co.uk/art.php?id=8271) Joseph Choonara states this exactly. He even goes to say that if you asked a child  to draw a picture of a terrorist, they will most likely draw a picture of a person with similar traits to someone of a Middle Eastern Muslim. After the attacks on the Twin Towers, terrorism was seen as something associated with that culture when that is not the case at all.

In the United States, there are many societies that are lower class and people are unable to better themselves based on their economic situation (as discussed in the previous blog). Most likely if you are financially unstable or poor, you are going to live in a poor community. An example of this may be the economic situation in Farmingville, New York. Many lower class men wait at local drug stores or even on corners, hoping a landscaping truck or any company will pick them up and hire them for the day to do any manual labor. These low class, poor men come together looking for work. Even if that means waiting at a corner for it.

　
This goes to show how big of an influence Status Groups and Subcultures have on both the work place and an individual's success. Some of us that are fortunate enough to have nice things, an education and a good job may not notice or realize how many people actually struggle to gain the things that others have everyday.